برجراف عن السياحه في مصر باللغه الانجليزيه

انواع السياحة بالانجليزي

موضوع تعبير بالانجليزي عن السياحة

تعبير انجليزي عن السياحه قصير مترجم

برجراف عن السياحة بالانجليزى للصف الاول الثانوى

برجراف عن كيفية جذب السياح الى مصر بالانجليزى

برجراف عن السياحه في مصر باللغه الانجليزيه

برجراف عن السياحة للصف الثانى الثانوى

Mass tourism or mass effect?

5The evolution of tourist flows to Egypt has been on an increasing trend since the beginning of the 1980s, but it is not comparable to the one observed in Spain during the last decades, to take an extreme case, or still in Tunisia or Morocco.

By comparison, in 1990, Morocco has 1 tourist per 7 inhabitants, and Tunisia 1 for 3.

With just over 3.2 million foreign visitors in 1992, Egypt captures less than 1% of the world's total flow and has one tourist per twenty inhabitants6. Given these few figures, tourism in Egypt may appear as a marginal phenomenon. Yet anyone who travels to Egypt can see the "omnipresence" of the foreign tourist. However, we can not identify the phenomenon with a real "mass tourism": the expression commonly evokes the image of "breaking waves" of groups at the head of which a guide brandishes umbrella or small flag that will bring back within the herd the tourist lost. If this image is observable in Egypt, it does not equate to the "massification" tourism that can be encountered in Spain or Hawaii. The term "massification" refers to indicators such as the increase in the population of a given place by the arrival of tourists during the peak season. Luxor, an international tourism area par excellence, had during November 1992 - the highlight of an exceptionally good tourist season - 63,000 foreign tourists registered in hotels all categories, for a population estimated at about 145,000 inhabitants for the same year. The numerical relationship between tourist and inhabitant is hardly comparable to the situations of tourist concentration that we encounter in the Balearic Islands, on the Spanish coast or in certain French coastal regions, where villages see the number of their inhabitants double, quadruple or more than made the massive arrival of tourists during the summer period. In 1994, according to the governorate's estimates, Luxor-ville had a population of 153 199 inhabitants spread over an inhabited area of ​​7.4 km2, a density of 206 inhabitants per hectare. It is not the volume of the tourist flow which prevails, but its concentration on a space particularly constrained by a physical geography shared between the sparsely populated desert lands and the Nile valley, which is characterized by densities of population among the highest of the world.

7 In fact, three different sources can be identified: the Ministry of Tourism has declared (...)

8 During the month of May 1995, a mission of the Higher Council of Antiquities was responsible for reviewing the (...)

9 For example, the quantitative approaches applied to the tourist phenomenon in Egypt, such as the (...)

7Add that the importance of international tourism in Egypt is not so much - or not only - the number of visitors or their "visibility" in the landscape as the centrality granted to it by the economic and political actors of Egypt. The first foreign exchange revenue item for the year 1992, tourism receipts are estimated in two ways depending on whether you are talking to the Ministry of Tourism or the Egyptian Central Bank. The first estimates the average daily expenditure per tourist (around $ 150) and multiplies it by the annual number of foreign visitors. The second only takes into account the exchange transactions7. Tourism is analyzed by some observers in terms of "rent", like income from oil or the Suez Canal, and the methods of capturing the revenues it generates, just like their redistribution, raise the question of the evaluation of its "induced" effects and its anchoring in the Egyptian reality. Economists and geographers will talk about "tourist deposits" - namely heritage and landscapes - as we speak of oil fields. The difference is obvious, however, in that, unlike oil, it is technically difficult to "quantify" landscapes and monuments and assign them a market value. At best, we can inventory tourist sites, a procedure that is part of a heritage policy and therefore the competences of the Ministries of Culture and the Environment and the Higher Council of Antiquities. However, it is clear that the respective policies of these various bodies do not show much consultation and even operate sometimes on the mode of competition8. The heritage inventory cuts across issues that coincide with those of anthropology and the heritage economy and at the same time distances us from the economic approaches commonly adopted to the tourist phenomenon9. Once again, the economic and statistical analysis according to national accounts aggregates is particularly deficient, and ultimately not very rewarding, given, in particular, the often contradictory nature of the available sources.

10,100 332 direct jobs recorded in 1993, divided between the hotel and restaurant (...)

11 This mandate lasted from 1984 to 1993. Replaced by Mamduh al Baltagi in November 1993, Fu'ad Sultan eta (...)

One fact is certain, however, which is the result of speech effects rather than a statistical reality that is difficult to read: tourism is presented by the Egyptian authorities as the "locomotive of growth and development", with regard to the income that it releases and induced job creations. However, it is difficult to assess the real share of jobs that result from tourism activities compared to the labor force: apart from direct jobs in the hotel, transport and restaurant sectors, tourism leads to a myriad of jobs. 'production and service activities which could be described as' peripheral' and which are however essential for the organization of the tourist market10. These activities range from the production of furniture for villages and tourist hotels to construction, from craftsmanship to the activities of "informal guides" - whose job is essentially to "turn down" the groups of tourists to certain shops in return a percentage on sales. During Fu'âd Sultan's tenure as Minister of Tourism11, it was fashionable to consider retraining workers made redundant from public enterprises in the private tourism sector and related peripheral activities, such as construction or services. Thanks to a general liberalization atmosphere, the private entrepreneurial initiative is presented as a key element of the tourism development strategy, especially since the state can hardly bear the overall cost of such a policy.

Tourism, liberalization and openness

12 A cruise on the Nile is now relatively accessible to middle-income households. Crisis (...)

13 HARRISON D., "Learning from the Old South by the New South? The Case of Tourism , Third World Qu (...)

9Tourism movements to Egypt have benefited from favorable international conditions over the last fifteen years, such as lower costs in the air transport market, but also the growing share of group travel and the popularity of third world destinations. . These three factors operate concurrently, playing both on the principle of the " charter" formula and, essentially, on the differentials of purchasing power and cost of local infrastructure12. However, it must be emphasized that the growth of tourism flows to Egypt over the last fifteen years coincides - and this is no coincidence - with the policies of openness and liberalization initiated by Anwar Sadat and continued by his successor Hosni Mubarak. Indeed, a tourism development policy requires a minimum of opening conditions but is above all a "symptom" revealing an economic development strategy based on the principle of free trade and the market economy13.

10Second characteristic of the phenomenon: tourism is a strategic- political argument widely exploited by some states in the region: in the context of peace negotiations in the Middle East, a commission bringing together Egypt, Israel and Jordan has been set up. February 1994 with a view to establishing a common tourism development policy. The opening of a road linking the three countries and passing through Taba is part of this policy. The development of an Egyptian "riviera" along the Aqaba coast is aimed in particular at growing Israeli tourist demand.

14 I am referring here to the slogan of an Israeli agency, "You have read the book, you will like the (...)

11This regional political trend is also part of the transformation of the international tourist market: Western tourist agencies are increasingly fond of tours including the three destinations in a single trip, compensating for the temporary abandonment of the Nile Valley for cause of "Islamic terrorism" (see below) and contributing to the integration of Egyptian Sinai into a highly attractive regional tourist complex. Therefore, one can not refrain from establishing a correspondence, at least from the point of view of the tourist, between the advertising campaigns of the Egyptian and Israeli tourist agencies in Europe, based on a similar argument: the contribution of the two civilizations to the heritage civilization and religion of humanity14.

Al- Ahram , September 26, 1992.

16 Of course, it can be assumed that the latter, when they go to Egypt, rarely do so for (...)

However, it is important not to overstate the phenomenon of tourism conversion in Egypt, leaving the valley to the west and turning to the east. At least one can discern the trends. The growing share of the new Egyptian tourist regions - Sinai and Red Sea - is due to two factors, the first of which could be described as "cyclical": on the one hand, the crisis of tourism activities due to the wave of violence and violence. attacks against tourists in the south of the country, particularly in the Luxor region, has engaged tourism stakeholders, foreign and domestic, in the search for new markets according to formulas adapted to international demand increasingly diverse and demanding ; on the other hand, the negotiations undertaken to establish peace in the region contribute to this diversification by encouraging the promotion of economic, political and cultural exchanges between neighboring States. In this regard, the President of Egypt stated, in his opening address at the World Conference of Tourism Professionals organized by the Asta (American Society of Travel Agents), held in Cairo in September 1992, that the Tourism was one of the guarantors of peace, stability and development in the region15. The tourist argument is all the more a constant of opening political discourse that it covers a material reality of the exchange immediately perceptible by the presence and movements of foreign visitors. For example, media coverage of Israeli and Palestinian "tourist" arrivals16 in Egypt is a relatively recent phenomenon that can be interpreted as part of the rhetoric of official policies of cooperation, or simply recognition between regional partners.

13Tourism is an argument of political and ideological discourse and defines the way in which the economic and political strategies determined by the decision-makers are implemented. In this sense, displaying and adopting a tourism development policy is not a neutral approach and can not be reduced to a mechanical and bureaucratic management of the exchange of individuals, goods and capital. The speech that a head of government can make regarding a tourism development policy is part of a strategic- political package that, at first glance, goes beyond what can be called, in a fuzzy way. , companies. Or at least the state apparatus can be given the function of "conductor" determining the conditions required for the implementation of a tourism development program. However, it mainly involves private actors and various economic and political groups that are not very homogeneous. Tourism is a mode of exchange of individuals, goods and capital which operates essentially transnational and which, therefore, escapes the large aggregates of the national economy. Similarly, the function of political argumentation that can be recognized is perceptible, at the state level, through the speeches of men in government engineering. On the other hand, the very application of the programs concerns other categories of actors, which are more difficult to identify because of their atomization in space and their own interests.

14 It can be concluded that the socio-economic space of tourism is characterized by a diversity of social and economic groups that can not be defined in one set. However, a study of tourism must take into account the role of the main implementers or agents who implement tourism development policies enacted in government bodies. Who are they, and to what extent are their strategies, as well as the production of discourses around tourism that accompany them, bring about dynamics of alteration and transformation of the Egyptian social space? Two levels can be taken into consideration here: on the one hand, the economic management of the modes of transaction between the tourist demand (external essentially, but also internal) and a local supply of skills adapted to the international standards, and on the other hand how these modes of management and these systems of representation contribute to structuring the relationship to the Other. The point of view of these actors on tourist activities and the interactions at work in the field of tourism constitute a research object all the more suggestive that it designates a space of social and cultural practices immediately in touch with transformations. recent Egyptian society. Thus, if we accept the general principle that all tourist activity in a given country, whatever its situation and the characteristics that it is commonly granted (developed / developing), inevitably leads to the transformation of the social spaces it invest, we can consider the field of tourism as a field of identification of the forms of social change as they manifest in the Egyptian space.

17 The comparison between local and international demands may just be a stage of a (...)

18 We will consider the situations of presence of the Western tourist and the loc (...)

15In an analysis of the correspondence between tourism development and social change, it is therefore necessary to define the local supply of the tourist market according to the criteria of foreign demand, on the one hand, and according to three terms of definition of the tourist phenomenon - interaction, transnationality and complementarity between supply and demand - on the Our purpose is precisely on this ground, which will lead us to try to identify the actors of tourism in two categories: the economic agents of the tourism sector, on the one hand, and the Egyptian social actors as potential local customers of the tourism market on the other hand17. This identification test designates a central pivot of the analysis: to report on the strategies implemented by these actors in order to reconcile the constraints of the external tourist demand and the various modes of local regulation of the phenomenon, including those related to the identity enunciation of its stakes. It is thus necessary to establish an inventory of the repertoires of action and speeches (and to identify the methods of putting them in relation) around which the modes of access to the tourism market of the various actors concerned are established, as well as the ways of adapting to the various constraints that this one can impose. These two proposals revolve around a questioning on the management, by the social actors (local clientele and agents of the tourist market), of the relation to the Other and to the "global" norm - values ​​carried by the tourists and standards modes of organization of the international tourist market - according to the registers of local expressions18.

16However, it is necessary to distinguish in advance three levels of analysis of the phenomena of interactions observable in the field of tourism, which we will consider from an analysis of the modes of management of the crisis of tourism: the practices of tourists (with a internal distinction of the different categories of what is meant by tourists in Egypt), the tourist areas and finally, what is at the heart of the study, the modalities of access to the tourist market and the dynamics that compose the interaction between foreign tourists and local agents.