انواع السياحة بالانجليزي
موضوع تعبير بالانجليزي عن السياحة
تعبير انجليزي عن السياحه قصير مترجم
برجراف عن السياحة بالانجليزى للصف الاول الثانوى
برجراف عن كيفية جذب السياح الى مصر بالانجليزى
برجراف عن السياحه في مصر باللغه الانجليزيه
برجراف عن السياحة للصف الثانى
الثانوى
Mass tourism
or mass effect?
5The
evolution of tourist flows to Egypt has been on an increasing trend since the
beginning of the 1980s, but it is not comparable to the one observed in Spain
during the last decades, to take an extreme case, or still in Tunisia or
Morocco.
By
comparison, in 1990, Morocco has 1 tourist per 7 inhabitants, and Tunisia 1 for
3.
With just
over 3.2 million foreign visitors in 1992, Egypt captures less than 1% of the
world's total flow and has one tourist per twenty inhabitants6. Given these few
figures, tourism in Egypt may appear as a marginal phenomenon. Yet anyone who
travels to Egypt can see the "omnipresence" of the foreign tourist.
However, we can not identify the phenomenon with a real "mass
tourism": the expression commonly evokes the image of "breaking
waves" of groups at the head of which a guide brandishes umbrella or small
flag that will bring back within the herd the tourist lost. If this image is
observable in Egypt, it does not equate to the "massification"
tourism that can be encountered in Spain or Hawaii. The term
"massification" refers to indicators such as the increase in the
population of a given place by the arrival of tourists during the peak season.
Luxor, an international tourism area par excellence, had during November 1992 -
the highlight of an exceptionally good tourist season - 63,000 foreign tourists
registered in hotels all categories, for a population estimated at about 145,000
inhabitants for the same year. The numerical relationship between tourist and
inhabitant is hardly comparable to the situations of tourist concentration that
we encounter in the Balearic Islands, on the Spanish coast or in certain French
coastal regions, where villages see the number of their inhabitants double,
quadruple or more than made the massive arrival of tourists during the summer
period. In 1994, according to the governorate's estimates, Luxor-ville had a
population of 153 199 inhabitants spread over an inhabited area of 7.4 km2, a density of
206 inhabitants per hectare. It is not the volume of the tourist flow which
prevails, but its concentration on a space particularly constrained by a
physical geography shared between the sparsely populated desert lands and the
Nile valley, which is characterized by densities of population among the
highest of the world.
7 In fact,
three different sources can be identified: the Ministry of Tourism has declared
(...)
8 During the
month of May 1995, a mission of the Higher Council of Antiquities was
responsible for reviewing the (...)
9 For
example, the quantitative approaches applied to the tourist phenomenon in
Egypt, such as the (...)
7Add that the
importance of international tourism in Egypt is not so much - or not only - the
number of visitors or their "visibility" in the landscape as the
centrality granted to it by the economic and political actors of Egypt. The
first foreign exchange revenue item for the year 1992, tourism receipts are estimated
in two ways depending on whether you are talking to the Ministry of Tourism or
the Egyptian Central Bank. The first estimates the average daily expenditure
per tourist (around $ 150) and multiplies it by the annual number of foreign
visitors. The second only takes into account the exchange transactions7.
Tourism is analyzed by some observers in terms of "rent", like income
from oil or the Suez Canal, and the methods of capturing the revenues it
generates, just like their redistribution, raise the question of the evaluation
of its "induced" effects and its anchoring in the Egyptian reality.
Economists and geographers will talk about "tourist deposits" -
namely heritage and landscapes - as we speak of oil fields. The difference is
obvious, however, in that, unlike oil, it is technically difficult to
"quantify" landscapes and monuments and assign them a market value.
At best, we can inventory tourist sites, a procedure that is part of a heritage
policy and therefore the competences of the Ministries of Culture and the
Environment and the Higher Council of Antiquities. However, it is clear that
the respective policies of these various bodies do not show much consultation
and even operate sometimes on the mode of competition8. The heritage inventory
cuts across issues that coincide with those of anthropology and the heritage
economy and at the same time distances us from the economic approaches commonly
adopted to the tourist phenomenon9. Once again, the economic and statistical
analysis according to national accounts aggregates is particularly deficient,
and ultimately not very rewarding, given, in particular, the often
contradictory nature of the available sources.
10,100 332
direct jobs recorded in 1993, divided between the hotel and restaurant (...)
11 This
mandate lasted from 1984 to 1993. Replaced by Mamduh al Baltagi in November
1993, Fu'ad Sultan eta (...)
One fact is
certain, however, which is the result of speech effects rather than a
statistical reality that is difficult to read: tourism is presented by the
Egyptian authorities as the "locomotive of growth and development",
with regard to the income that it releases and induced job creations. However,
it is difficult to assess the real share of jobs that result from tourism
activities compared to the labor force: apart from direct jobs in the hotel,
transport and restaurant sectors, tourism leads to a myriad of jobs.
'production and service activities which could be described as' peripheral' and
which are however essential for the organization of the tourist market10. These
activities range from the production of furniture for villages and tourist
hotels to construction, from craftsmanship to the activities of "informal
guides" - whose job is essentially to "turn down" the groups of
tourists to certain shops in return a percentage on sales. During Fu'âd
Sultan's tenure as Minister of Tourism11, it was fashionable to consider
retraining workers made redundant from public enterprises in the private
tourism sector and related peripheral activities, such as construction or
services. Thanks to a general liberalization atmosphere, the private
entrepreneurial initiative is presented as a key element of the tourism
development strategy, especially since the state can hardly bear the overall
cost of such a policy.
Tourism,
liberalization and openness
12 A cruise
on the Nile is now relatively accessible to middle-income households. Crisis
(...)
13 HARRISON
D., "Learning from the Old South by the New South? The Case of Tourism ,
Third World Qu (...)
9Tourism
movements to Egypt have benefited from favorable international conditions over
the last fifteen years, such as lower costs in the air transport market, but
also the growing share of group travel and the popularity of third world
destinations. . These three factors operate concurrently, playing both on the
principle of the " charter" formula and, essentially, on the
differentials of purchasing power and cost of local infrastructure12. However,
it must be emphasized that the growth of tourism flows to Egypt over the last
fifteen years coincides - and this is no coincidence - with the policies of
openness and liberalization initiated by Anwar Sadat and continued by his
successor Hosni Mubarak. Indeed, a tourism development policy requires a
minimum of opening conditions but is above all a "symptom" revealing
an economic development strategy based on the principle of free trade and the
market economy13.
10Second
characteristic of the phenomenon: tourism is a strategic- political argument
widely exploited by some states in the region: in the context of peace
negotiations in the Middle East, a commission bringing together Egypt, Israel
and Jordan has been set up. February 1994 with a view to establishing a common
tourism development policy. The opening of a road linking the three countries
and passing through Taba is part of this policy. The development of an Egyptian
"riviera" along the Aqaba coast is aimed in particular at growing
Israeli tourist demand.
14 I am
referring here to the slogan of an Israeli agency, "You have read the
book, you will like the (...)
11This
regional political trend is also part of the transformation of the
international tourist market: Western tourist agencies are increasingly fond of
tours including the three destinations in a single trip, compensating for the
temporary abandonment of the Nile Valley for cause of "Islamic
terrorism" (see below) and contributing to the integration of Egyptian
Sinai into a highly attractive regional tourist complex. Therefore, one can not
refrain from establishing a correspondence, at least from the point of view of
the tourist, between the advertising campaigns of the Egyptian and Israeli
tourist agencies in Europe, based on a similar argument: the contribution of
the two civilizations to the heritage civilization and religion of humanity14.
Al- Ahram ,
September 26, 1992.
16 Of course,
it can be assumed that the latter, when they go to Egypt, rarely do so for
(...)
However, it
is important not to overstate the phenomenon of tourism conversion in Egypt,
leaving the valley to the west and turning to the east. At least one can
discern the trends. The growing share of the new Egyptian tourist regions -
Sinai and Red Sea - is due to two factors, the first of which could be
described as "cyclical": on the one hand, the crisis of tourism
activities due to the wave of violence and violence. attacks against tourists
in the south of the country, particularly in the Luxor region, has engaged
tourism stakeholders, foreign and domestic, in the search for new markets
according to formulas adapted to international demand increasingly diverse and
demanding ; on the other hand, the negotiations undertaken to establish peace
in the region contribute to this diversification by encouraging the promotion
of economic, political and cultural exchanges between neighboring States. In
this regard, the President of Egypt stated, in his opening address at the World
Conference of Tourism Professionals organized by the Asta (American Society of
Travel Agents), held in Cairo in September 1992, that the Tourism was one of
the guarantors of peace, stability and development in the region15. The tourist
argument is all the more a constant of opening political discourse that it
covers a material reality of the exchange immediately perceptible by the
presence and movements of foreign visitors. For example, media coverage of
Israeli and Palestinian "tourist" arrivals16 in Egypt is a relatively
recent phenomenon that can be interpreted as part of the rhetoric of official
policies of cooperation, or simply recognition between regional partners.
13Tourism is
an argument of political and ideological discourse and defines the way in which
the economic and political strategies determined by the decision-makers are
implemented. In this sense, displaying and adopting a tourism development
policy is not a neutral approach and can not be reduced to a mechanical and
bureaucratic management of the exchange of individuals, goods and capital. The
speech that a head of government can make regarding a tourism development
policy is part of a strategic- political package that, at first glance, goes
beyond what can be called, in a fuzzy way. , companies. Or at least the state
apparatus can be given the function of "conductor" determining the
conditions required for the implementation of a tourism development program.
However, it mainly involves private actors and various economic and political
groups that are not very homogeneous. Tourism is a mode of exchange of
individuals, goods and capital which operates essentially transnational and
which, therefore, escapes the large aggregates of the national economy.
Similarly, the function of political argumentation that can be recognized is
perceptible, at the state level, through the speeches of men in government
engineering. On the other hand, the very application of the programs concerns
other categories of actors, which are more difficult to identify because of
their atomization in space and their own interests.
14 It can be
concluded that the socio-economic space of tourism is characterized by a
diversity of social and economic groups that can not be defined in one set.
However, a study of tourism must take into account the role of the main
implementers or agents who implement tourism development policies enacted in government
bodies. Who are they, and to what extent are their strategies, as well as the
production of discourses around tourism that accompany them, bring about
dynamics of alteration and transformation of the Egyptian social space? Two
levels can be taken into consideration here: on the one hand, the economic
management of the modes of transaction between the tourist demand (external
essentially, but also internal) and a local supply of skills adapted to the
international standards, and on the other hand how these modes of management
and these systems of representation contribute to structuring the relationship
to the Other. The point of view of these actors on tourist activities and the
interactions at work in the field of tourism constitute a research object all
the more suggestive that it designates a space of social and cultural practices
immediately in touch with transformations. recent Egyptian society. Thus, if we
accept the general principle that all tourist activity in a given country,
whatever its situation and the characteristics that it is commonly granted
(developed / developing), inevitably leads to the transformation of the social
spaces it invest, we can consider the field of tourism as a field of
identification of the forms of social change as they manifest in the Egyptian
space.
17 The
comparison between local and international demands may just be a stage of a
(...)
18 We will
consider the situations of presence of the Western tourist and the loc (...)
15In an
analysis of the correspondence between tourism development and social change,
it is therefore necessary to define the local supply of the tourist market
according to the criteria of foreign demand, on the one hand, and according to
three terms of definition of the tourist phenomenon - interaction,
transnationality and complementarity between supply and demand - on the Our
purpose is precisely on this ground, which will lead us to try to identify the
actors of tourism in two categories: the economic agents of the tourism sector,
on the one hand, and the Egyptian social actors as potential local customers of
the tourism market on the other hand17. This identification test designates a
central pivot of the analysis: to report on the strategies implemented by these
actors in order to reconcile the constraints of the external tourist demand and
the various modes of local regulation of the phenomenon, including those
related to the identity enunciation of its stakes. It is thus necessary to
establish an inventory of the repertoires of action and speeches (and to
identify the methods of putting them in relation) around which the modes of
access to the tourism market of the various actors concerned are established,
as well as the ways of adapting to the various constraints that this one can
impose. These two proposals revolve around a questioning on the management, by
the social actors (local clientele and agents of the tourist market), of the
relation to the Other and to the "global" norm - values carried by the
tourists and standards modes of organization of the international tourist market -
according to the registers of local expressions18.
16However, it
is necessary to distinguish in advance three levels of analysis of the
phenomena of interactions observable in the field of tourism, which we will
consider from an analysis of the modes of management of the crisis of tourism:
the practices of tourists (with a internal distinction of the different
categories of what is meant by tourists in Egypt), the tourist areas and
finally, what is at the heart of the study, the modalities of access to the
tourist market and the dynamics that compose the interaction between foreign
tourists and local agents.
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